فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 43 (پاییز 1398)

A set of factors with a focus on human in recent centuries has caused the global geographic space experience major changes in various aspects, such a change that its outcome and result is the change in climate of the world. Climate change has various consequences for the world that among the most important in international security domain. In this regard, the present study employing a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to review this consequences. The results show that the security, especially international security, is so much under influential of the climate change, because climate shape the characteristics and functions of geographical spaces of the world. Therefore, the relative stability and order of the world and its countries has been due to its climate stability over recent decades, and if changes are made, instability and insecurity will prevail and will create or exacerbate various threats. It should say, the biggest and most dangerous threat of current and future of the earth is climate change and its consequences are far more than any war. The most important challenges of climate change for international security include: Endangering the all or part of territory of the coastal and island states, creation and intensification of international instability and insecurity, emerging and spreading of terrorism and extremism, creating or exacerbating of maritime boundaries disputes, weakening of the maritime security, creating and exacerbating of international migration and water crises, creating or expanding weak and fragile states, changing the geopolitical position and importance of some of the important regions of the world, the threat of international trade, increased international competition and so on. It is worth noting that, climate change is shaping some new maritime routes and creates opportunities for some regions and countries of the world, especially the Arctic.

Power and its reproduction is a long-standing dilemma in the literature of International relations. Geopolitics in the classical perspective refers to the acquisition, control, or exploitation of land as a prominent way of gaining power. it has undergone various phases of evolution, from the existence of distinguished small worlds to hierarchical structures and, more recently, network structures. Its construction is shaped by great powers and in this way, it services to satisfy their power-seeking. The evolution of the international system has affected geopolitics and its construction and has been reflected in the geopolitical nested network in which the dynamics of power and its causal mechanisms are distinguished from the past. Although the international relations literature has tried to provide new perspectives to explain the new geopolitical realities, they have been unable to explain the mechanism of power generation in a complex situation. That is why the main question of this article has arisen; and the question is ‘what is the mechanism of power generation through geopolitics, given the complexity of the international system? Geopolitics has shifted from a pairwise state based on relationships between great powers to a system _ network phenomenon. How power reproduces itself in a state of complexity can lead to an innovative view of the mechanisms of power and its reproduction in the geopolitical networks. This is the focus and main concern of this article. The complex network as an emerging theoretical perspective provides the basis for a scientific revolution in the field of geopolitics and power. This article presents a new theoretical model in the conceptual framework of the geopolitical network and explains the causal mechanisms of power generation in this type of network based on the complexity rules.

In recent years, with the arrival of the Justice and Development Party, Turkey has become an active player in the world, so that in several international aspects, while paying attention to its Western allies, it has the most degree of independence in making its decisions. Therefore, according to its "strategic depth", Turkey's foreign policies towards Latin America and the Caribbean became particularly significant. Venezuela is one of the most important countries in the Latin American region, which has participated in trans-regional cooperation in the new century, due to its central role in the fields of economy, energy and ideology. So, without paying attention to the opposition of Turkey's allies, the atmosphere of negotiation was shaped by the economic cooperation between Ankara and Caracas. This has led Turkey to give it political support, especially in the years when Venezuela faced a crisis. Therefore, the main question of this article is the reasons for Turkey's presence in Latin America, and especially in Venezuela. The main hypothesis is that Turkey has sought to expand its political and economic influence in Venezuela and, consequently, in the Latin American region, in the context of neoliberalism in international relations. Following this influence, what Ankara considers a long-term goal is to show an active and influential figure in the international arena.

The evolutions of Iran’s missile program in recent years has received a lot of attention in international and regional environment despite that Islamic republic of Iran has reportedly announced that its missile capacity is defensive and deterrent, but this development always provided tensions and reactions in regional and international arena and accompanied with consequences. The aim of this research is examining the consequences of Islamic republic of Iran’s development in missile industry on the Persian Gulf cooperation council’s security-defensive politics. So this research by focus on the Persian Gulf cooperation council, articulates this question that what is the effects of Iran’s development in missile industry on the Persian Gulf cooperation council’s security-defensive politics? The findings of the research show that on attempt to strengthen military capability through massive arms purchases and development of missile defense shields, security coalition and enhance of institutional cooperation are the most important effects Iran missile development in the Persian Gulf cooperation council. The research method is descriptive – analytical and required data was collected in a library way and various sources including articles and authored websites.

The emerging Beijing Consensus Mechanism has led to a systematized confrontation with the Washington Consensus. This rivalry  between the United States and China has intensified, especially in the area of economy, which could not be considered regardless of resources, idea and institution. This consensus ,apparently, may not seek to establish order and hegemony, but in practice in financial resources, ideas and institutions is somewhat else. In other words; although the Beijing Consensus is more about economic mechanisms, it is also taking shape in culture, politics, ideology and institutionalization. In addition to emphasizing per capita GDP, the Beijing Consensus also considers its lifestyle and quality, culture and interaction with others in the international system in the form of resources, institutions and financial resources, which could be the beginning of a new way in the international structure. The question of the article is that; How is the Beijing Consensus emerging as an alternative or complement to the international hegemonic order? This article, we have used the explanatory-analytical research method with reference to library and Internet resources and we have applied the theory of Neo-Gramsci in international relations. From view point of writers, the Beijing Consensus by emphasizing ideas and institutions distinct from the neoliberal hegemonic order, as well as expanding financial and monetary resources to peripheral areas, replaces or at least complements the hegemonic order that began in economics.

The present paper tries to analyze, compare, and contrast the grand strategy governing the foreign policy of Bush, Obama and Trump in the time span between 2000 and 2020. Our main hypothesis is that the grand strategies of all the three US presidents fall within the category of realism. The research method is library research in that a large volume of first-hand English and also Persian sources were collected and read concerning the question of the article. With this in mind, we considered realism as the main framework for research. Bush's foreign policy grand strategy seems to be realistic, along with traces of coercive diplomacy, pre-emptive war, and war against terrorism. Then, Obama's foreign policy strategy is apparently the continuation of Bush's main foreign policy line, i.e., realism, but in the case of Obama, along with traces of internationalism, interaction and multilateralism. Finally, Trump's foreign policy grand strategy is the continuation of that of Obama, but in Trump's case, it is accompanied by traces of neo-isolationism and unilateralism. To explain the differences in the grand strategies of these three presidents and present a conceptual model, we borrowed some lessons from cognitive science achievements, especially Eleanor Rosch's theory of “prototype" and Wittgenstein's theory of family resemblance, giving rise to the new conceptualization of category and categorization. We have considered the category of realism as a set of features that the grand strategy of Bush, Obama, Trump, or any other realist president, does not necessarily have to have all these features, and only these features. Rather, its outcome falls into this category. The result is an interdisciplinary model for determining the strategy of each of these three presidents in foreign policy, which is presented for the first time in this study, namely the model of the grand strategy of based on the theory of family resemblance and prototype.